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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major triumph by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his opponents, Hemedti is revered by his loyalists for his tenacity and his vow to dismantle the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was part of this, implicated in destroying the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them dozens of minors.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained formal status as commander of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and took on a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

In 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, marking the start of a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for business arrangements, including in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when protesters demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, raped women, and reportedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Ongoing War

When a committee began examining army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it genocide.

Present Situation

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against army positions and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may become a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in el-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a global community that overlooks.